The UN, Nato and EU need to speak clearly and with one voice about what has happened in Georgia
Not for the first time in Europe's history, August is dominated by a foreign policy crisis.
South Ossetia, Poti, Gori. A week ago, few had heard of these places. Today, Georgia is on all our minds.
This is not some quarrel in a far-away land. What happens in Georgia directly affects us.
For a start, it's about energy security. One million barrels of oil a day are delivered by the Baku-Ceyhan oil pipeline. This runs right through Georgia, close to the areas affected by the conflict.
What's more, it's about global security. History has shown that if you leave aggression to go unchecked, greater crises will only emerge in the future. Today, Russia says it is defending its citizens in South Ossetia. Where tomorrow? In Ukraine? In Central Asia? In Latvia?
It's clear that stability in the Caucasus - and Russia's behaviour there and beyond – is a matter for the security of Britain and our allies.
Yesterday, Russian President Dimitry Medvedev announced a halt to Russia's military operations. The coming days will tell whether this is indeed the end – or merely a hiatus. For the sake of all those affected by the conflict, let us hope that the fighting is over.
But how should we respond to this crisis? I believe three things need to happen.
First, the UN, Nato and EU need to speak clearly and with one voice about what has happened.
Whatever the criticisms that can be made of some of Georgia's actions, Russia has used massive force against an independent, sovereign democracy. That is completely unacceptable and illegal – and the global community must stand strong and united in its condemnation.
Second, we should accelerate the path to Nato membership for countries like Georgia, and other democracies like the Ukraine, if that is what they wish. The lack of clarity about Georgia's prospects of joining Nato contributed to the present crisis. It encouraged Russia to believe it could intimidate and bully because the West was divided and uncertain. The knowledge that Nato membership was a real prospect would have provided Allies with greater leverage over the actions of Tbilisi's government, and a greater incentive for Russia to put a real effort into resolving some of the frozen conflicts around its borders.
And third, to realise both these goals, Britain itself should be showing greater urgency and energy in responding to events in Georgia. Unusually for them, British Ministers have been largely invisible.
Compare the low-key response by our Government to the energy showed in Paris. The French Foreign Minister has been to Tbilisi, President Sarkozy to Moscow. Of course France holds the EU Presidency. But that is not a reason for Britain to sub-contract our entire response to the crisis to our allies.
There is so much we could and should be doing. The British Government should be mobilising a strong and united response in the EU and Nato, and at the UN, not leaving it to others to do all the heavy-lifting. The Russian Ambassador should be summoned, if that has not happened already. We could canvas a motion at the UN General Assembly. We could be calling for an urgent meeting of Nato Foreign Ministers to discuss the situation and the pathway for Georgia's application to join Nato. We could be pressing for the negotiation of the strategic partnership between the EU and Russia to be suspended. We could press for Russia's exclusion from the G8. And we could even be looking at the visa regime for Russian nationals travelling to and from the UK.
There are no easy answers and there are no magic wands. Bringing the Caucasus back from this brink will take a lot of hard work, determination and diplomacy. But there really is no other choice, so Britain must start shouldering its burden of the international response. Instead of following, we must lead.
by ‘I am a Zionist and I’m proud of the fact’ David Cameronn
David Cameron is leader of the Conservative Party.
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